Search This Blog

Thursday, September 19, 2024

NAR: Existing-Home Sales Declined 2.5% in August

 

In August 2024, existing-home sales fell in the South, West, and Northeast, while the Midwest registered no change. Year-over-year, sales slipped in three regions but remained stable in the Northeast.
emphasis added
Existing Home SalesClick on graph for larger image.

This graph shows existing home sales, on a Seasonally Adjusted Annual Rate (SAAR) basis since 1994.

Sales in August (3.86 million SAAR) were down 2.5% from the previous month and were 4.2% below the August 2023 sales rate.

The second graph shows nationwide inventory for existing homes.

Existing Home InventoryAccording to the NAR, inventory increased to 1.35 million in August from 1.34 million the previous month.

Headline inventory is not seasonally adjusted, and inventory usually decreases to the seasonal lows in December and January, and peaks in mid-to-late summer.

The last graph shows the year-over-year (YoY) change in reported existing home inventory and months-of-supply. Since inventory is not seasonally adjusted, it really helps to look at the YoY change. Note: Months-of-supply is based on the seasonally adjusted sales and not seasonally adjusted inventory.

Year-over-year InventoryInventory was up 22.7% year-over-year (blue) in August compared to August 2023.

Months of supply (red) increased to 4.2 months in August from 4.1 months the previous month.

The sales rate was at the consensus forecast.  I'll have more later. 

Wednesday, September 18, 2024

The circular logic of Kamalanomics

 In last week’s debate, Kamala Harris embraced the leftist policy fallacy that more spending solves everything. Nothing epitomizes this fallacy more than Harris’s subsidized housing solution.  

Harris somehow believes that federal subsidies will increase housing, decrease prices and fix the problem the Biden-Harris administration’s inflation has created.

Harris touted her proposal to build 3 million new houses in four years and create a $25,000 housing credit for first-time buyers. Presumably, the new 3 million houses will be subsidized by the federal government (otherwise they would be built anyway), while the new homebuyer credit will do the same on the market’s demand side. 

What could possibly go wrong with giving something to everyone except those outside the housing market who will be picking up the tab? Plenty — and it will. 

First, Harris will have to get her pie-in-the-sky proposals through Congress. To do that, she will have to pay for them.

The average starter home now costs $240,000. To build 3 million houses would require $720 billion, because no builder is going to undertake such projects without a full cost guarantee from the federal government. 

All this also assumes that there would be ample building supplies and construction workers available to build an additional 3 million houses over the next four years, beyond the houses already planned. That’s a big assumption. America’s annual new home construction is 1.4 million, so Harris’s proposed 3 million new units is an increase of more than 100 percent.  

Harris also assumes that a federal program could somehow find local building sites and cut through all local regulations. Harris forgets that there are reasons why the houses she wants are not being built already.

Then there’s Harris’s $25,000 first-time home buyer credit. While not specifying who would qualify, let’s presume that all her promised 3 million new houses would somehow be available to people using her credit. That’s another $75 billion right there. It could be more if others qualify as well, in which the cost would exceed $795 billion. 

But even if Harris somehow finds the money, more government spending is hardly a problem-solving panacea. The Biden-Harris administration’s spending failures — the American Rescue Plan Act and the Inflation Reduction Act — prove as much. 

How Harris’s new housing would be distributed would be a big question. As a political program, it’s certain to be decided on politics — not necessarily on where housing is needed.  

According to a recent analysis by the Center for Transportation Policy of five grant programs in 2021’s Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, $7.8 billion of the $10.8 billion in approved funding since October 2023 has gone to blue states, even though such states make up less than half the U.S. 

That the programs even start operating as promised is also hardly a given. Another program from the same 2021 legislation, the Broadband Equity, Access, and Deployment Program was supposed to build out internet access in rural America. Biden boasted at the August Democratic National Convention that BEAD was “not unlike what Roosevelt did with electricity.”

Three years after the law’s enactment, virtually none of its $42 billion in funding has been used to increase internet access. 

The Biden administration’s inability to build electric vehicle charging stations is another cautionary tale. The same 2021 infrastructure bill provided $5 billion to build a promised 500,000 charging stations. As of June, only seven charging stations had been installed; Sen. Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.) called the results “pathetic.”

Even if Harris’s homes are built and her credits distributed, don’t expect these to keep prices down. To the contrary, just look at U.S. health care and college tuition costs — both sectors where government programs pump billions in, causing rampant cost increases. 

America’s housing problem can be largely laid at the Biden-Harris administration’s inflationary feet. Their exorbitant spending ($7.7 trillion in deficits from fiscal 2021 to 2024) triggered an inflationary spike that began in March 2021, peaked at 9.1 percent in June 2022, and still exceeds the Federal Reserve’s 2 percent inflation target.  

Seeking a safe harbor from Biden-Harris inflation, consumers moved to buy houses. In addition to the tax benefits of homeownership, inflation makes a home’s price go up even as the value of the mortgage against it decreases — a win-win if you already own a home.

But of course, the Fed was forced to raise interest rates to combat inflation. This drove up mortgage rates and made the dream of homeownership far less affordable. Inflated monthly housing prices have undermined young people’s ability to save up for down-payments, even as they have been forced to dip into their savings to keep pace with inflation.

So, Harris’s housing proposal merely throws more federal money at the problems created by excessive Biden-Harris spending. And Harris’ embrace of the Green New Deal and a guaranteed income proposal shows that such inflationary spending pressure would likely increase with her in the White House.

Harris’s problem is the left’s problem when it comes to spending. Like a dog chasing its tail, it imagines that, if it just goes faster, it can catch it. 

Prosperity comes from private sector investment, not public sector spending: the former yields higher wages; the latter yields higher prices. For a self-styled candidate of change, Harris simply promises more — a lot more — of what has already not worked under Biden.

J.T. Young was a professional staffer in the House and Senate from 1987 to 2000, served in the Department of Treasury and Office of Management and Budget from 2001 to2004, and was director of government relations for a Fortune 20 company from 2004 to 2023.

https://thehill.com/opinion/finance/4884410-harris-housing-subsidies-ineffective/

Sunday, September 15, 2024

California Homeowners Are Losing Their Insurance

  by Siyamak Khorrami via The Epoch Times

Thousands of Californians have lost their home insurance coverage in recent years, a topic host Siyamak Khorrami recently featured on Epoch TV’s “California Insider.” 

To help understand the complex issue, Khorrami invited an insurance broker with 40 years in the business as well as a couple who have recently lost two homes to California wildfires, the more recent of which was uninsured.

Additionally two California lawmakers give detail solutions and their take on how to turn the problem around.  

Caps on Rate Increases

The issue began in 1988, when California residents approved Proposition 103, which capped rate increases for auto insurance—and eventually for homeowners’ policies—and established the state’s insurance commissioner. 

Since then, the commission has approved rate increases for residential and commercial property based on historical data and capped them at 7 percent. If a carrier requested more, the approval process was opened up to challenges by residents and watchdog groups. The result, experts say, is that increases, if approved at all, could take up to two years. 

Such kept homeowners’ rates in California artificially low, while other costs for insurers were on the rise.

A Freeze on Rate Increases

Insurance broker Harry Crusberg said the crisis of so many insurance carriers canceling policies or leaving the state began during the COVID pandemic, when the state’s insurance commissioner froze all rate increases, resulted in carriers losing money. 

“Carriers started losing $1.15 to $1.25 per dollar they took in,” Crusberg said.

“When you talk about multi-millions of dollars and billions of dollars, these losses just mounted substantially for carriers.”  

As a result, carriers large and small started issuing nonrenewals or dropping out of the California market all together. 

“You can only lose money for so long,” he said. 

Suddenly, many homeowners lost their insurance and had only two options: going with one of the so-called non-admitted carriers—which are not regulated or guaranteed by the state—or getting insurance through California’s Fair Plan, established more than 50 years ago as a last-ditch emergency resort. 

While pricing can vary, both are usually much more expensive than traditional insurance, as much as 10 times higher in some cases, experts say.

The Fair Plan is not funded by the government, as some believe, but instead by the state’s regulated insurance carriers, who pay proportionally into it. According to Crusberg, today they have accumulated about $400 billion in risk for their contributions to the plan. 

With a freeze on rate increases, contributions to the Fair Plan, the need to have their own costly insurance—called “reinsurance”—and more claims for wildfire and disasters, the industry became destabilized, Crusberg said.

“They [had] to back off. They just [didn’t have] the capital to sustain that,” he said.

Crusberg said the confluence of issues is rare.

“I’ve been in the business for a little over 40 years … and we’ve never been faced with such a situation,” he said. 

A New Insurance Plan

According to Crusberg and others, there is now “light at the end of the tunnel,” thanks to recent changes by the state’s insurance commission that will allow for wildfire and risk-based premiums determined by recent events. Also, under the commissioner’s recent plan, an insurance carrier’s requested rate increase must be decided within 90 days. 

“Once that comes in, the carriers [will start] to get a breath of fresh air,” he said.

“If we can do this and get our right rates, we’re going to be able to help solve this problem by coming back into the marketplace.”

But with the new plan—called the “sustainable insurance model”—not yet in place, some have chosen a third option: to forgo home insurance altogether. 

One Couple’s Losses

Such is the case of Michael and Christy Daneau, who lost a home in the 2018 Camp Fire in Northern California’s Butte County, and then, most recently, another in July’s Park Fire, which originated in Chico, about a 20 minute drive west from their first home.

The couple said they had insurance before the first fire for $86 a month. But after they moved to the Chico area, their first year of insurance through the Fair Plan—the only insurer that would carry them—was $7,000—roughly $580 a month—payable in one lump sum. 

They also had to purchase additional coverage for their new home, as the Fair Plan offers only fire insurance. 

They said the price increased to $10,000 in the second year, again due in one payment, and finally $12,000 in the third year, which they said they could no longer afford. 

Ultimately, the couple said, they had to go without, an especially hard decision as they had already lost one home to fire. They never expected they would be hit twice.

The price was “too unobtainable for us,” Daneau said. 

Now after the Park Fire, he said they have little left. 

“We went from being homeowners, owning our house outright, to now having literally just some clothes and a few personal possessions,” Daneau said. 

Other Solutions

California state Sen. Bill Dodd, who represents the state’s Third Senate District including Napa, Contra Costa and Sacramento counties, told Khorrami their choice to not have insurance was not a good one. 

“All you can do is hope and pray, and hope and prayers are not a great strategy,” he said. 

He said he has faith in the commissioner’s new insurance strategy since it will allow insurers to increase rates using climate and catastrophic models and will allow them to factor in their cost for reinsurance.

Not being able to do so previously, he said, was a “disservice to the ratepayers of the state of California.”  

Because insurers’ rate increases have been capped at 7 percent for so long, he said, allowing them to catch up with increases between 25 percent and 40 percent will ultimately stop so many carriers leaving the state. 

“Thirty-five percent rate increases across the board are a heck of a lot better than cancellation of policies or rates that are three to four to 10 times more than [people] are paying now,” Dodd said.

“That is at least affordable.

“It’s doable and ultimately creates a more stable insurance market and perhaps competition over time could bring those prices down.” 

He said the number of policies written for the Fair Plan more than doubled over the last year, and that is “a critical problem.”

“It’s got way too many clients to really withstand the type of risk that it is,” he said. 

He said as things change, property owners currently on the plan or those using non-admitted providers will decrease as more typical carriers return to the market and pick up those lost customers. 

Additionally, Sen. Dave Cortese, who represents the state’s 15th Senate District, which encompasses Santa Clara County, discussed the possibility of what’s known as “partial” insurance, where a carrier, for example, would insure only a portion of a property, which he said needed more study. 

He added that there may be bills introduced in the next legislative session—beginning in January—that, if passed, would make the insurance process better for homeowners, especially in terms of fire risk, like being rewarded for hardening their property and creating defensible space around their homes. 

Then, he said, the homeowners could go back to the insurer and say, “‘We’ve reduced your risk. Can you underwrite insurance on those now?’” he said. 

He also said the Legislature needs to consider a state-funded backup financial safety net for the Fair Plan. As it is today, if there were a couple of major losses, it could become insolvent. 

By doing so, he said, “Fair Plan won’t be able to tell [people who have catastrophic losses], ‘Sorry, we ran out of money,’” Cortese said. 

He closed by saying both chambers of the Legislature have created their own insurance working groups to come up with solutions to get the insurance market to “shift back naturally to where it should be.”

“The Legislature is taking this issue very, very seriously,” he said. “We know that people who have invested their entire lives or life savings in their homes and their properties can’t be left at risk without insurance coverage.” 

Finding the balance between protecting property owners and ensuring insurance companies are profitable enough to do business in the state is the challenge. 

“That’s the balance and that’s the trick,” Cortese said. “That’s what we’re trying to accomplish.” 

https://www.zerohedge.com/political/california-homeowners-are-losing-their-insurance-heres-why

Thursday, September 12, 2024

"Home ATM" Mostly Closed in Q2

 During the housing bubble, many homeowners borrowed heavily against their perceived home equity - jokingly calling it the “Home ATM” - and this contributed to the subsequent housing bust, since so many homeowners had negative equity in their homes when house prices declined.


Unlike during the housing bubble, very few homeowners have negative equity now. From CoreLogic this morning: Homeowner Equity Insights – Q2 2024
The report shows that U.S. homeowners with mortgages (which account for roughly 62% of all properties) saw home equity increase by 8.0% year over year, representing a collective gain of $1.3 trillion and an average increase of $25,000 per borrower since the second quarter of 2023, bringing the total net homeowner equity to over $17.6 trillion in the second quarter of 2024. …

From the second quarter of 2023 to the second quarter of 2024, the total number of mortgaged homes in negative equity decreased by 4.2%, to 1 million homes or 1.7% of all mortgaged properties. 
Mortgage Equity WithdrawalHere is the quarterly increase in mortgage debt from the Federal Reserve’s Financial Accounts of the United States - Z.1 (sometimes called the Flow of Funds report) released today. In the mid ‘00s, there was a large increase in mortgage debt associated with the housing bubble.

In Q2 2024, mortgage debt increased $99 billion, up from $31 billion in Q1, and down from the cycle peak of $467 billion in Q2 2021. Note the almost 7 years of declining mortgage debt as distressed sales (foreclosures and short sales) wiped out a significant amount of debt.

However, some of this debt is being used to increase the housing stock (purchase new homes), so this isn’t all Mortgage Equity Withdrawal (MEW).

Nearly half of renters spend more than 30% of income on housing: Census Bureau

 Nearly half of renters in the U.S. – over 21 million households – spent more than 30% of their income on housing in 2023, according to new Census Bureau data released Thursday.

The bureau said that the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) considers households cost-burdened when more than 30% of their income is spent on rent, mortgage payments, and other housing costs. The bureau also said the data shows the amount of a rented household’s income that goes toward housing costs differs by race.

"Housing costs rose between 2022 and 2023 for both homeowners and renters. The median cost of housing for renters rose from $1,354 to $1,406 (after adjusting for inflation)," said Molly Ross, a survey statistician with the U.S. Census Bureau. "And new data from the 2023 [American Community Survey], 1-year estimates show that the share of a rented household’s income that goes towards these housing costs differs by householder race."

Of renters who identify as being only Black or African American, 4.6 million (56.2%) paid more than 30% of their income on housing in 2023.

Renters of other racial groups were also cost-burdened: 1 million (43.4%) of Asian households; 10.4 million (46.7%) White renter households; 4.8 million (53.2%) Hispanic households; 229,000 (48.8%) American Indian or Alaska Native renter households; and 53,000 (51.7%) Native Hawaiian or Pacific Islander renter households.

HUD says that households that spend more than 50% of their income on housing costs are considered severely cost-burdened.

Renter households found to fall in this "severely cost-burdened" category included about 2.5 million (30.6%) Black and 1.1 million (28.8%) "Some Other Race alone" renter householders, according to the Census Bureau.

While the data showed that renters had a higher median housing cost as a percentage of income compared to homeowners, 18.8 million homeowners still spend more than 30% of their income on housing costs.

https://www.foxbusiness.com/lifestyle/nearly-half-renters-spend-more-than-30-income-housing-census-bureau-finds

Wednesday, September 11, 2024

Posh Real Estate Deals Boom in High-Flying Junk Muni-Bond Market

 High-end real estate developments are tapping the municipal-bond market, leading to a slew of so-called luxury dirt deals and fueling returns for investors willing to take on the risk.

This year, state and local debt buyers have helped finance a vacation-home golf enclave in Florida, a resort near Zion National Park and a $4.2 billion redevelopment in Atlanta’s downtown. The deals — all high-yield and sold exclusively to sophisticated investors — represent a niche corner of a market that typically raises money to build schools, roads and bridges.

Some of these offerings have been oversubscribed and repriced tighter, helping to boost returns for junk-rated muni-bonds to a 7.2% gain this year, outpacing their investment-grade counterparts by more than 5 percentage points, according to data compiled by Bloomberg. The risky state and local debt is also beating US high-yield corporate debt.

The demand for these luxury junk deals is emblematic of a broader trend where developments for the ultra-rich are outperforming an otherwise broken real estate market. Mortgage rates near multi-year highs for much of 2024 have less of an impact on deep-pocketed homebuyers.

Real estate backed state and local government debt is the “new flavor of the day,” said Paul Malloy, head of municipals at the Vanguard Group, noting that investors need to be very careful when looking at the most bespoke offerings. “It’s a merry go round in that space.”

The bonds are often sold to finance the initial infrastructure for a development like water systems, street lights or roads. They’re backed by future revenue that will be generated after completion. That adds risk as there’s no guarantee the project delivers what was forecast.

“You just need to do your homework on these deals,” said Craig Brandon, co-head of municipals at Morgan Stanley Investment Management. Some real estate-backed transactions sold in the early 2000s hurt investors’ portfolios after the housing market collapsed during the financial crisis, he said.

The luxury component provides a new nuance because they cater to a certain clientele, according to Brandon.

“You have to look at how the US is doing economically right now, the higher income demographic is doing very well, so to that extent, projects like that could work,” he said.

The deals have also been boosted by a mismatch in supply and demand. Money continues to flow into high-yield muni funds while sales of risky deals have lagged. Dirt deals with significant equity investment offer an opportunity, said John Miller, head of the high-yield muni credit team at First Eagle Investments.

“Dirt deal supply overall is fairly strong,” he said, noting the “unusual” pace of transactions with a size of more than $100 million. “There is a constant flow.”

Breakthrough Deal

In February, a local district in Florida issued a $40 million deal to raise funds for a luxury resort community, as developers and investors bet on a resurgence in golf. The plan includes about $145 million in total infrastructure costs to develop roads, storm-water management, water and wastewater utilities, landscaping, streetlights and underground electric utility lines.

A month later, a $246.7 million muni deal associated with Miami Worldcenter, a $6 billion, 20-acre initiative came to market. The project is seeking to turn what was once a tent city into a sprawling development reminiscent of New York’s Hudson Yards. Proceeds raised in that offering will finance a phase of the project that includes parking garages, retail space, a plaza and several walkways. The project — which features apartment condos selling for $1.5 million — includes a partnership with billionaire Adam Neumann.

One bond for that deal due in 2041 priced with a 5% coupon and a 5.25% yield — or about 208 basis points more than AAA-rated securities. Since it was sold, spreads have tightened. It last changed hands in July at an average spread of 160 basis points, according to data compiled by Bloomberg.

The Miami Worldcenter deal marked a breakthrough for the sector, after interest rate hikes by the Federal Reserve last year spurred a slowdown on real estate-backed bond sales, according to Brennen Brown, managing director at D.A. Davidson & Co., the underwriter on the transaction. “We’re starting to see some risk appetite again.”

In May, Black Desert Resort, a 600-acre luxury center in Utah, tested that demand when it borrowed $180 million of munis. The development includes a golf course designed by the late champion Tom Weiskopf, more than 700 single-family homes and a boardwalk. That sale was more than 15 times oversubscribed, according to a person familiar with the matter who asked not to be named because they weren’t authorized to speak on the deal.

And in Atlanta, munis helping to finance a development of an defunct rail yard downtown, have recently surged. A project dubbed Centennial Yards, backed by the co-founder of Ares Management and Atlanta Hawks owner Tony Ressler, sold bonds in August to help fund over 2,600 apartments and more than 2,900 hotel rooms, as well as space for retailers and a data center.

Fixed-rate debt for the development due in 10 years priced with a 5% coupon and yield, roughly 237 basis points more than top-rated securities. In the last several weeks, that spread has narrowed to around 190 basis points or a yield of around 4.5%.

“These deals are relying on cash buyers, a customer base that’s less sensitive to interest rates,” said Nicholos Venditti, senior portfolio manager at Allspring Global Investments. “They are, to some degree, agnostic to what’s going on from a broader macro sense.”

https://finance.yahoo.com/news/posh-real-estate-deals-boom-150022801.html

Tuesday, September 10, 2024

Homeowners Association Legislation Offers Opportunity for Reform

 For many Floridians, living within a Homeowners Association (HOA) can feel like navigating a complex web of rules and regulations that often seem more restrictive than beneficial or sometimes even predatory. A recent survey conducted by the Florida Homeowners Association Reform Coalition reveals just how pervasive this sentiment is. The poll found that a staggering 72% of respondents are dissatisfied with their HOA experiences, with a notable 65% pointing to a lack of transparency and fairness and 58% criticizing the arbitrary enforcement of rules. These figures highlight the widespread frustration felt by homeowners and the undeniable need for substantive reform.

The statute governing HOAs was untouched for twenty years and even the existing statute did almost nothing to govern HOAs beyond establishing their existence. Since my election in 2022, I have championed HOA reform starting with House Bill 919, the Homeowners’ Bill of Rights, and the most recent House Bill 1203. This latest bill seeks to enhance transparency, improve financial reporting, and establish clearer procedures for resolving disputes. It also aims to increase homeowners' involvement in decision-making processes, aiming to empower homeowners when it comes to their community’s management.

However, while the passage of House Bill 1203 is a promising development, it’s essential to understand that far more is needed to finally resolve the HOA issue and the solution is not exclusively legislative. Even polling data suggests that while there is optimism for change, skepticism remains high. Specifically, 63% of homeowners believe that legislative reforms alone will not be sufficient to rectify the issues without robust enforcement and oversight.

One major concern is the balance of power between HOAs and homeowners. Many residents feel that HOAs wield excessive authority, often enforcing rules in ways that seem punitive rather than constructive or even selectively enforcing particular rules. The bill’s focus on procedural clarity is a positive step, but it must be reinforced by measures that enforce the desired reassessment of power dynamics within HOA governance. For example, rules governing property appearance and maintenance, while intended to maintain community standards, can sometimes lead to unnecessary conflicts, stress, and financial hardship for homeowners. Without future measures that more clearly review how power is distributed and exercised, the reforms risk being undermined by unwavering HOA Boards.

The proposed legislation includes important measures such as more detailed financial reporting requirements for HOAs. This is a crucial step, as financial transparency is often cited as a major concern among residents. Many HOAs operate with little oversight, leading to questions about how fees are utilized and whether they are justified. Improved reporting could help ensure that homeowners have a clearer understanding of how their money is being spent and provide a basis for holding HOAs accountable for mismanagement. It is critical to remember that the funds held by an HOA are made up of the monthly required dues from the residents and the Board is a steward, but not the owner, of those funds.

Another significant aspect of House Bill 1203 is its focus on dispute resolution. Clearer procedures for resolving conflicts between HOAs and homeowners are essential for reducing friction and ensuring that grievances are addressed fairly. This aligns with the poll’s finding that 59% of respondents believe better enforcement and oversight are critical for the success of any reform efforts. Effective dispute resolution mechanisms can help mitigate conflicts before they escalate, fostering a more harmonious community environment and easing tensions between the Board and the residents.

Education and advocacy also play crucial roles in the reform process. Many homeowners are unaware of their rights or lack the knowledge to effectively challenge an HOA’s decisions. By increasing educational initiatives and providing resources to help residents navigate disputes, we can empower homeowners to advocate for themselves and contribute to a more balanced HOA experience. This proactive approach can complement legislative efforts, ensuring that Florida’s homeowners are aware of their rights and powers as members of an HOA.

Despite the promising aspects of House Bill 1203, the real challenge lies in its implementation. For the reforms to have a meaningful impact, they must be supported by effective oversight and enforcement mechanisms. Policymakers and community leaders need to ensure that these new regulations are not merely symbolic but are applied consistently and fairly across all HOA-managed communities. This will require ongoing vigilance and a commitment to addressing any issues that arise as the reforms are put into practice.

Furthermore, the success of these reforms will depend on the active engagement of both homeowners and HOA boards. Homeowners must remain informed and involved in their communities, while HOA boards need to embrace the spirit of reform and work collaboratively with residents. The best way to achieve this goal is through homeowner participation which can shift Board elections, decisions, and community management as a whole. Only through a concerted effort can we hope to achieve a more equitable and functional HOA system.

In conclusion, while House Bill 1203 represents a significant step towards addressing the challenges associated with HOAs in Florida, it is only one piece of the puzzle. Greater reform will require a combination of legislative changes, effective enforcement, and community engagement. The recent polling data underscores the widespread demand for these improvements and highlights the need for a comprehensive approach to overhauling HOA governance.

As Florida moves forward, it is crucial for policymakers, community leaders, and residents to work together to ensure that these reforms result in a more balanced and fair HOA system. The goal should be to create a framework where HOAs genuinely enhance community living rather than create additional layers of frustration and bureaucracy. There are enough problems facing Florida’s homeowners during this tumultuous time. With sustained effort and collaboration, I am committed to resolving HOAs as one of those problems so that we can move closer to peace and harmony in Florida’s beautiful communities.

State Representative Juan Carlos Porras is the youngest member of the Florida House of Representatives and he is the first Gen Z member of the Florida House of Representatives. He is the proud son of Cuban exiles and is grateful for his parents' sacrifices that allowed him to become his family's first college graduate. He graduated from Florida International University with a Bachelors in Political Science and also runs a food distribution company specializing in trading produce from Latin America. During his first two years as a member of the Florida House of Representatives he has championed HOA reform, matters of commerce, and has passed extensive healthcare measures. 

https://www.realclearflorida.com/articles/2024/09/10/homeowners_association_legislation_offers_opportunity_for_reform_1057170.html

Monday, September 9, 2024

Harris’ $25K homebuyer grant plan is an ‘equity’ giveaway in disguise

 Kamala Harris is promising to provide “first-time homebuyers with $25,000 to cover the down payment.”  

Her promise is proving popular: 80% of Democrats and even 20% of Republicans favor it, The Wall Street Journal reported Friday.  

But the devil is in the details, and the media are asking no questions.

The biggest question is whether Harris as president would help all first-time homebuyers, regardless of their race — or target the help to achieve racial equity, as her past actions suggest.

Harris has a long track record of promising $25,000 in down-payment help, but her goal was never to help all first-time homebuyers.

The video player is currently playing an ad.
Skip Ad

Instead she insisted she aimed to close the home ownership gap between black and white families.

As she said in 2019, “We must right the wrong — after generations of discrimination — and give black families a real shot at home ownership.”

Her $25,000 down-payment promise was limited to “first-generation homebuyers.”

Why did she limit the help to buyers whose parents never owned a home?

To ensure that most of the help would go to minority homebuyers. 

Only 44% of black families owned their homes in 2021, compared with 73% of white families. 

Black buyers are nearly twice as likely as white buyers to qualify for down-payment help if the assist is limited to first-generation home buyers.

Last month, Harris insisted her “values have not changed.”   

When it comes to housing, that is true.

For the last 3½ years, Vice President Harris has pushed racial equity as a government-wide goal. 

Biden’s State of the Union message this year boasted the administration’s support for legislation to provide “$25,000 down-payment assistance to buyers from families where no one has ever before owned a home.”

The Democratic National Committee platform, approved Aug. 19, also limits the $25,000 down payment help to buyers “from families where no one has ever before owned a home.”

Now Harris, the presidential candidate, appears to be having an expedient change of heart — also known as a flip-flop — to broaden her housing policy’s appeal.

But she’s not abandoning her racial-equity goal entirely.

On Monday, Harris’ campaign website finally posted its first policy statements.

In one, she claimed the $25,000 down-payment help would be offered to “first-time homebuyers” — adding that “first-generation homeowners” will get “more generous support.”

Of course, no president can offer $25,000 to homebuyers.

That’s the responsibility of Congress, which controls the nation’s purse strings.

So it’s not Harris’ campaign website but the Downpayment Toward Equity Act, the legislation backed by Harris-Biden and sponsored in the House by Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.) and in the Senate by Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.) that spells out who is actually eligible.

The bill provides $20,000 to first-generation homebuyers with incomes below 120% of the mean in their area. 

The help increases to $25,000 if the buyer is from a “socially and economically disadvantaged group,” defined as being “Black, Hispanic, Native American or Asian American.”

The bill says its purpose is “to narrow and ultimately close the racial homeownership gap in the United States” — to correct, Waters has said, “grave injustices against people of color” produced by past US policies. 

These are reparations.

When Sen. Ron Wyden (D-Ore.) proposed that an earlier version of the bill should help all low-income first-time homebuyers, he got pushback from racial justice and housing advocates who complained the change would make too many white Americans eligible.   

“A tax credit for all first-time homebuyers is going to expand the racial homeownership gap,”  objected David Dworkin, president and CEO of the National Housing Conference.

“We are simply providing first-generation homebuyers, largely people of color, what white first-time home buyers have been receiving for years in the form of the ‘Daddy Down Payment’ loan — family assistance that is almost never repaid,” Dworkin said.

Harris has used the same argument, repeatedly.

In June, she told the 100 Black Men of America Conference that she supports helping black homebuyers so that they can “build intergenerational wealth” and overcome historic racial bias.

Now, Harris is flip-flopping, as she has on fracking and illegal immigration. 

But what would she actually do as president?

Economists have pointed out the dangers of offering down-payment assistance to families who may lack the income to keep up with mortgage obligations. Those are valid concerns.

But above all, voters need to know whether Harris’ down-payment program is a racial equity measure in disguise.

Does Harris intend to treat all Americans fairly, or will she be the divider-in-chief?

Betsy McCaughey is a former lieutenant governor of New York.

https://nypost.com/2024/09/09/opinion/harris-25k-homebuyer-grant-is-a-disguised-equity-handout/